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Intelligence for Better Decision Making
Erudite Risk takes an all risks approach to intelligence reporting. We categorize key intelligence into one of 40 different risk intelligence categories.
The goal is to provide intelligence that allows decision makers to avoid being blindsided by what they may have missed, while informing them to make better decisions as well.
Erudite Risk also includes operations categories so you can monitor the environment for better decision making. Everything is tied together--what happens in risk affects operations and what happens in the market impacts risk profiles.
We categorize key intelligence into one of 30 different operations intelligence categories.
Different roles and functions within the organization can monitor different key issue areas. HR may monitor employment, wages, regulations, labor and management relations, etc., while P&L leaders may monitor overall developing trends.
Thu nhập tới 40 triệu đồng, lao động tự do vẫn cần "lưới đỡ" an sinh
With Income up to 40 Million VND, Freelancers Still Need a Social Safety Net
Dantri | Local Language | News | Jan. 2, 2026 | UndeterminedEmployment
The growth of technology platforms like Be, Grab, Xanh SM, beTaskee, and JupViec is significantly reshaping Vietnam’s labor market, with the informal labor sector now representing over 60% of the total workforce, totaling around 32.6 million people. Experts forecast that this gig economy workforce will expand sharply, particularly in major cities such as Ho Chi Minh City, due to economic downturns and increased automation through AI. Despite income potential, the key weakness of this group is their financial instability and vulnerability to risk.
Labor economists and representatives emphasize the urgent need for a tailored social welfare system for informal workers. Unlike formal laborers who have pensions and structured career paths, informal workers require a social safety net designed through an alliance of various stakeholders, including financial institutions and digital platforms. This approach aims to create sustainable welfare programs and microloan options that help informal workers avoid predatory lending and improve their resilience.
Technology platforms are actively addressing welfare gaps to retain workers in a competitive market. Be Group’s BE5X Center offers affordable, comprehensive accident insurance with coverage up to 1 billion dong at a low weekly fee. Platforms like beTaskee are professionalizing informal jobs by building digital profiles and improving skill recognition, with Taskers earning an average of 19 million dong monthly and platform drivers earning 15–17 million dong. During peak seasons like Tet, earnings can reach up to 40 million dong per month.
These developments demonstrate that with appropriate management and support, the informal sector can be a vital driver of national economic growth and contribute substantially to the digital economy. Experts stress that social welfare programs designed with a clear understanding of informal workers’ realities are essential for fostering sustainable, inclusive development and achieving strong worker participation in welfare initiatives.
Đưa sáng kiến Diễn đàn Kinh tế mùa thu vào thực tiễn phát triển
Implementing the Autumn Economic Forum Initiative into Development Practice
Dantri | Local Language | News | Jan. 2, 2026 | UndeterminedInitiative
On December 31, 2025, the People's Committee of Ho Chi Minh City held the closing conference of the Autumn Economic Forum 2025, chaired by Deputy Prime Minister Bui Thanh Son. The Forum saw unprecedented scale, with over 1,800 delegates and nearly 100 international delegations, including representatives from 10 Fourth Industrial Revolution Centers (C4IR) and over 75 global science, technology, and innovation centers, highlighting the city's rising prominence in regional policy and technology dialogue.
The Forum emphasized science and technology as a core driver of economic growth, contributing around 1.4 million billion dong to GDP. Sixteen memoranda of understanding across finance, fintech, blockchain, digital finance, and semiconductors were signed. Moving beyond agreements, 30 key projects and programs were slated for immediate rollout, supported by private sector financing. Techcombank committed a preferential credit package worth 1,500 billion dong for smart production transformation from 2026-2030, while Nam A Bank pledged support for financial programs aimed at channeling remittance funds into research and innovation.
In the semiconductor sector, strategic initiatives with the Southeast Asia Semiconductor Industry Association were outlined, including the 2026 Semiconductor Summit, SEMIEXPO exhibition, and training programs. Collaborations with technology firms like Synopsys, FPT Semiconductor, TTI, and DeepSeek on AI research and technology transfer were initiated. The Forum also recognized the joint declaration between HCMC and the World Economic Forum (WEF) to promote smart manufacturing and responsible industrial transformation, marking Vietnam as a pilot country for this global initiative.
Deputy Prime Minister Bui Thanh Son praised the Forum for linking policy dialogue with actionable plans and urged prompt implementation of initiatives focused on smart economy and sustainable development. He called for early preparation for the Autumn Economic Forum 2026 to elevate its content and importance, integrating it into a strategic event chain alongside the WEF Annual Meeting in Davos and the WEF Pioneers Conference in China.
HCMC Vice Chairman Nguyen Loc Ha reinforced the city’s commitment to executing Forum outcomes by issuing a formal implementation plan in early 2026. Coordination with the WEF to co-host the 2026 Forum and align its theme with international and national priorities was emphasized. The city aims to mobilize international knowledge and technology through strengthened economic and technology diplomacy to achieve double-digit economic growth and advance its smart megacity development goals.
Symbolic Alignment: Why the Myanmar Junta Is Expanding Its Engagement with Russia
Stimson - Southeast Asia | English | AcademicThink | Jan. 2, 2026 | Geopolitical Conflict and Disputes
Myanmar’s military junta, led by Min Aung Hlaing, has intensified its engagement with Russia as part of a strategic effort to counteract international isolation, reduce reliance on China, and enhance its legitimacy ahead of the 2025 general elections. Since the 2021 coup, Min Aung Hlaing has made multiple visits to Russia, with the most recent in September 2025 focusing on nuclear, space, and port development cooperation. These initiatives, while largely symbolic, are intended to signal political alignment and modernization ambitions to both domestic and international audiences.
Nuclear cooperation remains a central theme, with plans to establish a Nuclear Technology and Information Center in Yangon and develop a 110MW small modular reactor (SMR) in the Mandalay region. However, significant financial, technical, and security challenges—exacerbated by sanctions, internal conflict, and limited local capacity—cast doubt on the project's feasibility. The junta prioritizes nuclear energy for its perceived political capital and regional prestige over renewables, despite practical implementation barriers.
Space cooperation also features prominently, marked by the creation of a national space agency focused on military uses such as reconnaissance and secure communications. Leadership of the agency is closely tied to Min Aung Hlaing’s inner circle, reflecting efforts to consolidate authoritarian control over strategic sectors. Talks with Russian officials included satellite development and remote sensing, though significant progress is hindered by financial constraints and technology transfer issues.
The most tangible outcome from Min Aung Hlaing’s Russia visit is the confirmation of Russian investment in the Dawei Deep Sea-port and special economic zone, a project of geopolitical significance offering Russia access to the Andaman Sea and regional trade routes. However, investment momentum has stalled amid competition from Chinese-backed regional projects and cautious economic assessments by Russian officials. The port’s future is emblematic of Myanmar’s complex balancing act between major regional powers.
Despite these engagements, Myanmar’s military regime remains financially strained and reliant on China’s regional dominance. Russia’s involvement is limited and dependent on Chinese tacit approval, as China controls key infrastructure investments and leads regional technological initiatives. Nevertheless, Moscow’s continued supply of arms and drones underpins the junta’s military capability and political survival, making defense cooperation the foundation of Naypyidaw-Moscow relations.
Overall, Myanmar’s outreach to Russia functions as a diplomatic balancing strategy aimed at securing external support and projecting an image of modernization and autonomy. While these symbolic alliances offer limited substantive gains, they reinforce the junta’s resilience against sanctions and internal insurgencies. The upcoming election amplifies the regime’s need to use such partnerships to bolster legitimacy, though capacity constraints and geopolitical realities limit the effectiveness of these initiatives.
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